Els senyors de les pedres 1

House of Lords Journal Volume 20: 2 August 1715', Journal of the House of Lords: volume 20: 1714-1717 (1767-1830), pp. 136-144.

ARTICLE VI.

"That whereas Her late Majesty Queen Ann, after several unsuccessful Attempts, in Conjunction with Her Allies, to establish His present Imperial Majesty on the Throne of Spain, being informed that the People of Catalonia were inclined to cast off the Yoke imposed upon them by the French, and to return to the Obedience of the House of Austria; and Her Majesty being desirous to maintain and improve that good Disposition in them, and to induce them to put the same speedily in Execution; did send Mitford Crow Esquire to them, with necessary Powers and Instructions to carry on so great a Work, for the Advantage of Her Service, and the Good of the common Cause; and, to that End, to treat with the Catalans, or any other People of Spain, about their coming into the Interest of King Charles the Third, His present Imperial Majesty, and joining with Her Majesty and Her Allies against the common Enemy; and Her Majesty, after Her gracious Assurances to assist them with Men and Money, was pleased to authorize Her said Minister to give them Her utmost Assurances, to procure the Establishment of all such Rights and Immunities as they had formerly enjoyed under the House of Austria; and that, for their further Satisfaction, She had sent for Powers from King Charles the Third, for confirming the same, and was willing to become Guarantee that it should be done; nevertheless, on this express Condition, that they should receive the said King Charles as lawful King of Spain, and utterly renounce the House of Bourbon; and, together with the said Instructions, Her Majesty was pleased to sign, and cause to be delivered to Her said Minister, Credential Letters, to the Nobility, Magistrates, and all other Officers Civil and Military, of Catalonia, desiring them to depend on the Promises He should make them in Her Name; and, in Her Majesty's Instructions to the Earl of Peterborow and Sir Cloudesly Shovell, in or about the Month of May One Thousand Seven Hundred and Five, they are ordered to use their utmost Endeavours to induce the Catalans to join with them in their Undertaking; and to assure them of Her Majesty's Support; and to promise them, in the Queen's Name, that She would secure them a Confirmation of their Rights and Privileges from the King of Spain, that they might be settled on a lasting Foundation to them and their Posterity; and in case Persuation should not prevail, and the Catalans should not make a suitable Return to those kind Offers, they were ordered to annoy their Towns on the Coast of Spain, and to reduce them by Force: And in Conformity to these Instructions, a Manifesto, or Declaration, was prepared, by the Privity and Advice of Robert Earl of Oxford and Earl Mortimer, then One of Her Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, and delivered to the said Earl of Peterborow, full, on the one Hand, of the Assurances afore-mentioned; and, on the other Hand, of Menaces to them, in case they declined Her Majesty's Overtures; which Manifesto was afterwards published by him the said Earl of Peterborow in Catalonia: And whereas the Nobility, Clergy, and the whole Principality of Catalonia, and the Inhabitants of the Isle of Majorca, relying on the Faith of those Royal Assurances, did utterly abandon the House of Bourbon, and acknowledged King Charles the Third, His present Imperial Majesty, for their lawful Sovereign, and did join their Arms with those of Her Majesty and Her Allies, against the Duke of Anjou; and it having pleased Almighty God so far to bless Her Majesty's pious and generous Undertaking, as, by most sigual Successes, in a short Time, to deliver the Principality of Catalonia from the heavy Yoke of French Bondage; and great Supplies having been granted by Parliament for the reducing the whole Kingdom of Spain to the Obedience of the House of Austria, the Arms of Her Majesty and Her Allies were attended with vast Successes, having Twice entered the Capital City of that Kingdom, and obtained many other signal Consequents, to the great Advantage of the common Cause; and, through the whole Progress thereof, the Bravery and Firmness of the Catalans being always remarkable, thereby, as well as from the repeated Assurances given to them, from Time to Time, in Her Majesty's Name, by every General and Minister sent from Great Britain to Spain, the Hearts of that brave People were united under the strongest Ties of Affection and Gratitude to Her Majesty; and they were justly held in the strictest Dependence on the Continuance of Her Royal Protection; he, the said Robert Earl of Oxford and Earl Mortimer, being an Enemy to the common Liberty of Europe, and having traiterously entered into Conspiracies for subjecting the whole Spanish Monarchy to to the House of Bourbon, and designing most maliciously the utter Ruin and Destruction of the ancient Rights, Liberties, and Privileges, of the Catalans, who had made so glorious a Stand for the Preservation of them, did, together with other false and evil Counsellors, form a most dishonourable, wicked, and cruel Contrivance, not only for abandoning the Catalans to the Fury and Revenge of the Duke of Anjou and his Adherents, but for the final Extirpation of all their Rights, Liberties, and Privileges; and, in Execution of that his Intention, during the private, separate, and pernicious Negotiation of Peace, which was carried on between him and the Ministers of France, and before any Negotiation of Peace was set on Foot in due Form of Law between the Crowns of Great Britain and Spain, did advise Her Majesty to give Directions to the Lord Lexington, Her Ambassador to the Court of Spain, to acknowledge the Duke of Anjou King of Spain; but was greatly wanting in his Duty to Her Majesty, in not advising Her to give Instructions to Her said Minister, at the same Time, peremptorily and absolutely to insist on the securing the Catalans Liberties, at the Conclusion of the Peace: And although the private, separate, and treacherous Practices of him the said Robert Earl of Oxford and Earl Mortimer and others, in Combination with the Ministers of France, did afterwards, on or about the Fourteenth of March One Thousand Seven Hundred and Thirteen, necessitate His present Imperial Majesty to conclude a Treaty for the evacuating Catalonia, whereof Her Majesty was Guarantee, without any express and positive Stipulations for the Catalans Liberties; His Imperial Majesty relying in that respect on Her Majesty's Declaration to interpose for them in the most effectual Manner, and on the Promises of the French King to join His Endeavours for the same Purpose; and although Her Sacred Majesty did, both before and after, frequently declare, by Her Ministers in Spain, "That She thought Herself under the strongest Ties of Honour and Conscience, not to abandon a People, whom the Necessities of the War had obliged Her to draw into Her Interest;" and though the French King did not join His Endeavours for the Purposes aforesaid; he the said Robert Earl of Oxford and Earl Mortimer, together with other false and wicked Councellors, having, from Time to Time, amused and deceived the distressed Catalans with groundless Hopes of Her Majesty's effectual Interpositions in their Favour, thereby engaging them in a more obstinate Defence of their Territories against the Duke of Anjou, was not only highly wanting in his Duty to Her Majesty, by not doing what in him lay, as a faithful Minister, to have prevented the Conclusion of the Treaty of Peace with Spain, till just and honourable Conditions were secured for the Catalans; but did, falsely, maliciously, and treacherously, advise Her Majesty to conclude a Peace with the King of Spain, without any Security for the ancient and just Rights, Liberties, and Privileges, of that brave, but unhappy, Nation; and did further advise Her Majesty to send Sir James Wishart, Her Admiral, with a large Squadron of Men of War, at a great Expence, to favour the said King of Spain in the Siege of Barcelona, the Capital City of Catalonia; and with express Instructions, "That in case the Inhabitants of Majorca should refuse the Terms that should be offered them by the Duke of Anjou, to employ his Squadron in countenancing and assisting all Attempts that should be made for reducing them to a due Obedience;" by which most vile and detestable Counsels, Her Sacred Majesty, contrary to Her most pious Intentions, the Faith of Nations, and the Duties of Religion and Humanity itself, and contrary to Her solemn and repeated Assurances, was prevailed on to abandon a distressed People, drawn in and engaged by Her own Invitation into an open War with the Duke of Anjou, for the Preservation of the Liberties of Europe, and the Commerce of Great Britain; and the Persons, Estates, Dignities, Rights, Liberties, and Privileges, of the Catalans, were given up, as a Sacrifice to the implacable Resentment of their enraged and powerful Enemy; and the Honour of the British Nation, always renowned for the Love of Liberty, and for giving Protection to the Assertors of it, was most basely prostituted; and a free and generous People, the faithful and useful Allies of this Kingdom, were betrayed, in the most unparalleled Manner, into irrevocable Slavery; and in Consequence of which most dishonourable and perfidious Counsels, the most execrable Hostilities, Burnings, and Plunderings, were committed upon them throughout their whole Province, without sparing the Effusion of innocent Blood, and without the Distinction of Age or Sex; and that unfortunate People were afterwards forced to undergo the utmost Miseries of a Siege, in their Capital City of Barcelona; during which, great Multitudes of them perished by Famine and the Sword, many of them have since been executed; and great Numbers of the Nobility of Catalonia, who, for their Constancy and Bravery in Defence of their Liberties, and for their Services in Conjunction with Her Majesty and Her Allies, had, in all Honour, Justice, and Conscience, the highest Claim to Her Majesty's Protection, are now dispersed in Dungeons throughout the Spanish Dominions; and not only the Catalan Liberties extirpated, but, by those wicked Counsels of him the said Robert Earl of Oxford and Earl Mortimer, Catalonia itself is almost become desolate: All which Crimes and Misdemeanors were committed and done by him the said Earl, against our late Sovereign Lady the Queen, Her Crown and Dignity, the Peace and Interest of this Kingdom, and in Breach of the several Trusts reposed in him the said Earl; and he the said Robert Earl of Oxford and Earl Mortimer was either Commissioner of the Treasury, or Lord High Treasurer of Great Britain, and One of Her Majesty's Privy Council, during the Time that all and every the Crimes before set forth, were done and committed: For which Matters and Things the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the House of Commons in Parliament assembled, do, in the Name of themselves and of all the Commons of Great Britain, further impeach the said Robert Earl of Oxford and Earl Mortimer of other high Crimes and Misdemeanors, in the said Articles contained.

"And the said Commons, by Protestation, saving to themselves the Liberty of exhibiting, at any Time hereafter, any other Accusations or Impeachments against the said Earl; and also of replying to the Answers which the said Rob't Earl of Oxford and Earl Mortimer shall make to the Premises, or any of them, or to any Impeachment or Accusation that shall be by them exhibited, according to the Course and Proceedings of Parliament; do pray, that the said Rob't Earl of Oxford and Earl Mortimer be put to answer all and every the Premises; and that such Proceedings, Examinations, Trials, and Judgements, may be upon them, and every of them, had and used, as shall be agreeable to Law and Justice."


References

Chandler, David (2003). Marlborough as Military Commander. Spellmount Publishers. ISBN 186227195X.

Crouse, Nellis M (1943). The French Struggle for the West Indies, 1665-1713. New York: Columbia University Press.

Frey, Linda (1995). The Treaties of the War of the Spanish Succession. Westport: Greenwood Press. ISBN 0313278849.

Hattendorf, John (1987). England in the War of the Spanish Succession. New York: Garland Pub. ISBN 0824078136.

Jongste, Jan A.F. de, and Augustuus J. Veenendaal, Jr. Anthonie Heinsius and The Dutch Republic 1688–1720: Politics, War, and Finance. Institute of Netherlands History (2002).

Lynn, John (1999). The Wars of Louis XIV, 1667-1714. New York: Longman. ISBN 0582056292.

Mckay, Derek (1983). The Rise of the Great Powers, 1648-1815. New York: Longman. ISBN 0582485541.

Ostwald, Jamel (2006). Vauban under Siege: Engineering Efficiency and Martial Vigor in the War of the Spanish Succession. Boston: Brill Academic Publishers. ISBN 9789004154896.

Symcox, Geoffrey (1973). War, Diplomacy, and Imperialism, 1618-1763. New York: Harper Torchbooks. ISBN 0061395005.

Tombs, Robert (2007). That Sweet Enemy. New York: Knopf. ISBN 9781400040247.

Veenendaal, A. J., Briefwisselling van Anthonie Heinsius, 1702–1720. 19 volumes. Instituut voor Nederlandse Geschiedenis (1976–2001).

Wolf, John B. The Emergence of the Great Powers: 1685–1715. Harper & Row, (1962). ISBN 9780061397509
[edit]External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: War of the Spanish Succession
Documents about The case of the catalans dating to 1714, at the House of Lords, UK.
Journal of the House of Lords: volume 19, 2 August 1715, Further Articles of Impeachment against E. Oxford brought from H.C. Article VI

Address to conference by First Minister and SNP leader Alex Salmond

SATURDAY, 22 OCTOBER 2011

Delegates

The message from Premier Rann [Mr Salmond has won the International Climate Change award] should remind us of two things.

Firstly Scotland has many friends internationally. People cheering us on and wanting us to do well. That international reach is a great asset for this country.

Secondly climate change is perhaps the greatest issue facing this planet. The responsibility of the Scottish Parliament for it is almost accidental. It wasn’t even on the agenda back in 1997 and therefore wasn’t specified as reserved in the Scotland Act. As a result it was devolved.

So given that by international acclaim we have handled this mighty issue so well as a parliament, what possible argument could there be that the Scottish Parliament is not capable of discharging ALL of the issues facing the Scottish people.

I also wanted to say a word about Scotland’s late national poet Eddie Morgan. A man whose modesty as an individual was matched by his brilliance as a poet. He didn’t wear his politics on his sleeve but he has left this party a financial legacy which is transformational in its scope, and Angus Robertson will spell that out tomorrow..

However his real legacy is to the world in his body of work.

Eddie Morgan once told our Parliament:

“We give you our deepest dearest wish to govern well, don’t say we have no mandate to be so bold.”

Delegates by your applause let us salute our Makar Edwin Morgan.

When I was cutting my teeth in politics in West Lothian the late Billy Wolfe once told me that the SNP stood for two things – independence for Scotland and home rule for Bo’ness!

In reality the SNP does stand for two fundamental aims – and these are enshrined in our constitution - independence for Scotland and also the furtherance of all Scottish interests.

These are our guiding lights and they are equally important because they reflect the reality that our politics are not just constitutional but also people based.

I tried to reflect this on election night when these self same people, the community of the realm of Scotland presented to us the greatest ever mandate of the devolution era – an absolute majority in a PR system – a system specifically designed to prevent such a thing ever happening

Mind you it was designed by the Labour Party so we should not be too surprised that their cunning plan didn’t work.

“The best-laid schemes o’ mice an’ Lord George Robertson gang aft agley.”

What I said on election night was that after almost 80 years we had lived up to the name of one of our founding parties – east, west , south and north.

WE ARE NOW THE NATIONAL PARTY OF SCOTLAND

It is a good phrase “the community of the realm”. It was developed in mediaeval Scotland to describe a concept of community identity which was beyond sectional interest.

The best Scots term for it would be ‘the common weal’.

It does not ignore the fact that sometimes as a Government we have to take sides within Scotland, as well as taking Scotland’s side. Particularly when times are tough we have to ask the rich to help the poor, the strong to help the weak, the powerful to help the powerless.

But we do so in pursuit of the common weal, the community of the realm.

We love Scotland but we don’t believe our country is perfect. We seek to make it better.

We know that in building the new Scotland we must confront our demons from the past like sectarianism and our problems from the present like the abuse of alcohol.

Some people say tackling these things is unpopular. But the election told us that the people respect and understand that sometimes it takes guts to govern.

But we shall always govern for that common weal.

We govern – we have governed - wisely and will continue to do so.

We have sheltered the community from the economic storms in so far as it is in our power to do so.

Our people – our community – face a hugely difficult position – a squeeze between falling incomes and rising prices.

To help family budgets we have frozen the council tax for FOUR years and will continue to freeze it through this coming parliament.

Labour say we shouldn’t do this. Really! And then we would have the same 60 per cent rises as when they were in power. A Council tax rise of £680 for a band D property.

To help family budgets we have held down water rates.

The Liberals say that we should privatise water. Really! And then we would have been as powerless to act on water bills as they are right now on energy bills.

To help family budgets we have abolished prescription charges.

The Tories say we shouldn’t do this. Really! Tell that to the 600,000 Scots on incomes of only £16,000 who were forced to pay for their medicine.

Every household bill which is under our influence, we have tried to control. Every household bill under UK influence is out of control.

In Scotland we have a prices and incomes policy. In England the Tories control incomes – except of course in the boardroom- but not prices.

None of these things- the freeze on the Council Tax, the ending of prescription charges, the stability of water bills, are easy.

They are all difficult.

BUT THE RECORD SHOWS THAT THE ONLY PARTY AND THE ONLY GOVERNMENT ATTEMPTING TO HOLD DOWN HOUSEHOLD BILLS IS THE SNP GOVERNMENT.

The unionist parties have lost touch with the people. Labour and Tories are parties without a leader. The Liberals have a leader without a party.

We govern well. They oppose badly.

IN THE ELECTION THE PEOPLE DECIDED THAT LABOUR WERE NOT FIT FOR GOVERNMENT. RIGHT NOW THEY ARE NOT FIT FOR OPPOSITION.

Governing well makes a real difference to real people.

Back in 2007 we said we would put 1000 extra police on the streets and communities of Scotland. Labour said it couldn’t be done.

But it has been done.

And the result has been a 35 year low in recorded crime in Scotland. I’ll just repeat that.

Recorded crime in Scotland is at its lowest since 1976 when Jimmy Carter was elected President of the United States and Jimmy Saville was presenting Top of The Pops.

Earlier this week a poll showed that peoples FEAR of crime in Scotland was running at almost HALF of the level in the rest of the United Kingdom – 28 per cent against 48 per cent.

Much of that success is down to the extra police officers.

We are the SNP. We believe in freedom.

But the freedom of people from the fear of being mugged or robbed is a key objective of this Government and the 1000 extra police in the communities of Scotland is a substantial part of achieving that objective.

LET THERE BE NO MISTAKE. OUR REFORM OF THE POLICE SERVICE IS ABOUT PROTECTING THE FRONT LINE SO THAT THE FRONT LINE CAN PROTECT THE PUBLIC.

Right now our focus is on jobs and the economy.

John Swinney and his team spend every waking minute seeking to encourage our own businesses to grow and to attract new companies to Scotland.

We have the most competitive business tax regime in these islands. 80,000 small businesses either pay no business rates or have a substantial discount.

We know, as they do, that their success holds the key to job creation. We will continue to offer that crucial incentive throughout this Parliament.

LET US BE CLEAR - THE SMALL BUSINESS BONUS STAYS IN SNP RUN SCOTLAND.

In the last few months a procession of major international companies have chosen Scotland as the place to conduct their business.

From Amazon, Mitsubishi, Doosan, Gamesa, Vion, Avaloq the message has been the same – Scotland has the people and the resources to allow them to conduct their international operations from a Scottish base.

And what have the UK Government been concentrating on while we focus on jobs and investment?

They have formed a Cabinet sub Committee to attack Scottish independence.

Let’s get this right. Cameron, Clegg, Osborne and Alexander sit in a committee working out how to do down Scotland and they engage in this while the European Monetary system teeters on the brink of collapse, while the jobless total in England is at a 20 year high and inflation more than double its target.

And these politicians wonder why they carry no confidence among the people of England never mind the people of Scotland.

OUR MESSAGE TO THIS QUAD OF MINISTERS: STOP ATTACKING SCOTTISH ASPIRATIONS AND START SUPPORTING ECONOMIC RECOVERY.

We need more capital investment not less, finance for companies and price and job security for the people.

And what is their grand strategy to restore their flagging political fortunes? To have more Ministerial day trips to Scotland.

*CONFERENCE EVERY TORY MINISTER WHO COMES NORTH PUTS ANOTHER 1000 VOTES TOWARDS THE NATIONAL CAUSE.

Of course these visits to Scotland are selective. Very selective

Last week the Prime Minister came to Scotland to hail the billions of investment in the new oil and gas fields off the western approaches.

*However there was no sign of a Prime Ministerial visit this week when HIS Government betrayed the future of Longannet.

Over £13 billion from Scotland’s oil and gas in the course of this year but not even a tenth of that to secure the future of the clean coal industry in Scotland.

Not even one tenth of one year of oil and gas revenues to secure a world lead in planet saving technology.

MR CAMERON HOW LITTLE YOU UNDERSTAND SCOTLAND

When he was making the BP announcement David Cameron claimed his geography teacher at Eton had told him that all the oil would be gone by the turn of the century.

The Prime Minister’s memory is faulty. It wasn’t his geography teacher. It was successive Labour and Tory Governments.

Like Margaret Thatcher’s Energy Minister who claimed oil was declining in 1980!

Now the cat is well and truly out of the bag and we know that oil and gas will be extracted from the waters around Scotland for at least the next 40 years.

Can I therefore put forward this simple proposition.

After 40 years of oil and gas Westminster had coined in some £300 billion from Scottish water – around £60,000 for every man women and child in the country.

The Tories’ own Office of Budget Responsibility figures suggest another £230 billion of oil revenues over the next 30 years - and that was before the latest announcements.

LONDON HAS HAD ITS TURN OUT OF SCOTTISH OIL AND GAS.

LET THE NEXT 40 YEARS BE FOR THE PEOPLE OF SCOTLAND.

Scotland has the greatest array of energy resources in Europe. Oil, gas, hydro, wave, wind and tidal power and clean coal.

On Thursday I went to Nigg to announce the redevelopment of that great fabrication site. Once again thousands of jobs can be developed there as marine engineering comes alive in the Highlands.

Today I am announcing a further important development on our journey to lead the world in wave and tidal power.

A new £18 million Fund to support marine energy commercialisation.

This will support the deployment of the first commercial marine arrays and the scaling up of the devices currently on test in Scottish waters.

And this is part of a £35 million investment over the next three years which will support testing, technology, infrastructure and deployment.

TODAY SCOTLAND IS LEADING THE RACE TO DEVELOP OFFSHORE RENEWABLES.

WITH THIS ANNOUNCEMENT, OUR NATION IS MOVING UP ANOTHER GEAR.

THE MESSAGE IS CLEAR. IN MARINE ENERGY SCOTLAND RULES THE WAVES.

Conference, right now some two thirds of wave and tidal projects in Europe are in Scottish waters. That will soon be three-quarters. The announcement by Kawasaki Heavy Industries on Thursday of their intention to test in the Orkney Islands underlines the international impact that Scotland is now making..

And as we develop wave and tidal commercially in our waters then we will export that technology across the planet.

Our objective in wave and tidal power is to have not just demonstration projects but hundreds of mega watts of electricity by 2020 -enough to power half a million Scottish homes.

The green re-industrialisation of the coastline of Scotland is central to our vision of the future.

And the jobs impact will be felt from Machrihanish, to the Clyde, to Leith, to Methil to Dundee to Aberdeen and the North East ports to the Moray Firth, to Nigg and the Highlands, from Orkney waters to Arnish in the Western Isles .

Onshore wind power has one serious drawback. And that is, only little of the fabrication is home based.

Despite the fact that the first modern wind turbine was demonstrated in Marykirk Aberdeenshire in 1887 the technology of the onshore industry was exported to Denmark and Germany more than a generation ago.

However we can do something about our offshore renewable opportunity.

Our objective is that Scotland will design, engineer, fabricate, install and maintain the great new machines which will dominate the energy provision of this coming century.

THAT IS OUR VISION FOR SCOTLAND AND WE SHALL GET THERE.

And in doing so we will create jobs and opportunity and hope for young people of Scotland.

It is the inescapable responsibility of this Government and indeed of every adult Scot to help tackle the scourge of youth unemployment.

Employment among Scottish youngsters is almost five per cent higher than elsewhere in these islands. We have a near record of school leavers going on to positive destinations of a job, apprenticeship or full time education.

However this is not enough. Youth unemployment is still far too high.

So this is what we are doing and this is what we shall do.

First apprenticeships. There will be 25,000 modern apprenticeships in Scotland – 60 per cent more than when we took office -not just this year but every year – and in Scotland remember every single youngster on a modern apprenticeship is in a job.

Secondly every major contract or grant from Government will now have an apprenticeship or training plan attached to it. For example when Vion chose Broxburn as their centre of excellence for food production there were 50 modern apprenticeships among the new jobs.

Thirdly every single youngster who is not in a job or full time education or an apprenticeship will be offered a training opportunity. That is every single 16-19 year old under Opportunities For All.

Fourthly we shall ensure that university and college education remains free to Scottish students. We now have more world-class universities per head than any other nation on the face of this planet.

AND THANKS TO THIS PARTY THAT OPPORTUNITY WILL REMAIN AVAILABLE TO YOUNG SCOTS ON THE BASIS OF THE ABILITY TO LEARN NOT THE ABILITY TO PAY.

AND TODAY I AM ANNOUNCING A FURTHER MOVE. COMPANIES IN ENERGY SECTOR ARE REPORTING SKILL SHORTAGES. THEREFORE OVER THE NEXT FOUR YEARS WE ARE DELIVERING 2,000 MODERN APPRENTICESHIPS SPECIFICALLY FOR THE ENERGY INDUSTRIES.

HOWEVER WE WILL ALSO NOW PROVIDE AN ADDITIONAL 1,000 FLEXIBLE TRAINING PLACES FOR ENERGY AND LOW CARBON.

REAL OPPORTUNITIES FOR OUR YOUNGSTERS IN THE SECTORS WHICH WILL SHAPE THE INDUSTRIAL FUTURE OF OUR COUNTRY.

We cannot wipe every tear from every cheek but we can try. And everything we do will reflect the common weal of Scotland.

The best way to get people back into work is through capital investment. That is why John Swinney has diverted funds to sustain economic recovery.

That is why we have created the Scottish Futures Trust to gain value for money. Major contracts sponsored by the Scottish Government are now delivered on time and on budget.

And this gives me the opportunity to make a further announcement today.

Two years ago we set out plans for a new school building programme in Scotland. Led by the Scottish Futures Trust, our investment was to deliver 55 new schools.

Already 37 schools have been committed in the first two phases.

Conference, the Scottish Futures Trust has levelled the playing field in public sector construction contracts. We have sunk the PFI and replaced it with value for money programmes.

THAT ACTION HAS ALLOWED US TO DELIVER OVER 3O0 NEW OR REFURBISHED SCHOOLS IN THE LAST FOUR YEARS.

AND THAT’S WHY TODAY I AM ABLE TO TELL YOU THAT THE NEXT PHASE OF OUR NEW SCHOOL BUILDING PROGRAMME WILL BE ABLE TO DELIVER 30 NEW SCHOOLS ACROSS OUR NATION.

A DOZEN MORE THAN PREVIOUSLY PLANNED.

PROVIDING A FURTHER 15,000 PUPILS WITH 21ST CENTURY LEARNING FACILITIES

DELEGATES IN THE FACE OF WESTMINSTER CUTBACKS THE £2.5 BILLION NON PROFIT DISTRIBUTION PROGRAMME IS CRUCIAL TO ECONOMIC RECOVERY.

NONE OF THAT WOULD HAVE BEEN POSSIBLE IF WE HAD ALLOWED THE PFI RIP OFF TO CONTINUE.

THAT IS WHAT GOOD GOVERNMENT IS ALL ABOUT.

We face a winter in this energy rich country of ours where people will be frightened to turn on their heating.

Fuel poverty amid energy plenty. What a miserable, disgraceful Westminster legacy for our energy rich nation.

Fuel poverty amid energy plenty. If there ever was an argument for taking control of our own resources then this must be it.

The Prime Ministers fuel summit was little more than hot air. We don’t control the energy markets but we can and will do something to help.

WE ALREADY HAVE THE BEST HEATING INITIATIVE IN THESE ISLANDS

WE HAVE INVESTED ADDITIONAL FUNDS THIS YEAR TO MAKE WHAT IS GOOD, EVEN BETTER

WE’VE EXPANDED OUR ENERGY ASSISTANCE PACKAGE TO INCLUDE THOUSANDS OF SCOTTISH CARERS.

AND CONFERENCE, BY 2015 THE SCOTTISH GOVERNMENT WILL INCREASE OUR FUEL POVERTY AND ENERGY EFFICIENCY BUDGET BY ONE THIRD.

BECAUSE OF THIS INVESTMENT I AM ABLE TO MAKE A FURTHER ANNOUNCEMENT.

A FEW MOMENTS AGO YOU HEARD PREMIER RANN OF SOUTH AUSTRALIA PRAISING OUR OFFER OF ENERGY EFFICIENCY MEASURES TO HALF A MILION SCOTTISH HOUSEHOLDS.

I CAN NOW TELL YOU THAT BY APRIL OF NEXT YEAR THAT 500,000 WILL BECOME 700,000.

ENSURING 200,000 MORE SCOTTISH FAMILIES GET THE HELP THEY NEED TO HEAT THEIR HOMES IN THIS ENERGY RICH COUNTRY.

Delegates

On the way to Inverness I noticed an outdoor company called ‘naelimits’. No limits is a beautiful idea, and somehow it carries more punch in Scots.

Nae limits to your ambition, your courage, your journey

Nae limits sums up the spirit of freedom which many of us take from our magnificent landscape, and which we wish for our society and politics

This same spirit was reflected in the words of Charles Stewart Parnell:

“No man has the right to fix the boundary of the march of a nation; no man has the right to say to his country, ‘Thus far shall thou go and no further’.”

No politician, and certainly no London politician, will determine the future of the Scottish nation.

Mr Cameron should hear this loud and clear.

The people of Scotland – the sovereign people of Scotland - are now in the driving seat.

Twenty years ago when Scotland faced a previous Tory Government a cross party group drew up a Claim of Right for Scotland .This is what it said.

“We do hereby acknowledge the sovereign right of the Scottish people to determine the form of government best suited to their needs, and do hereby declare and pledge that in all our actions and deliberations their interests shall be paramount.”

Twenty years ago we demonstrated for that right in front of an open topped bus in the Meadows in Edinburgh.

But we had no Parliament then. But we have now, and next month I will ask Scotland’s Parliament to endorse anew Scotland’s Claim of Right.

The point is a simple one

THE DAYS OF WESTMINSTER POLITICIANS TELLING SCOTLAND WHAT TO DO OR WHAT TO THINK ARE OVER. THE SCOTTISH PEOPLE WILL SET THE AGENDA FOR THE FUTURE.

Robert Kennedy once said, ‘the future is not a gift, it is an achievement’.

That is true for Scotland as for any nation. Our future will be what we make it.

The Scotland Bill isn’t even enacted yet it lies in the past. Unloved, uninspiring, not even understood by its own proponents.

The UK Government haven’t even gone through the motions of considering the views of the Scottish Government, the Scottish people, the last Scottish Parliament Committee, the current Scottish Parliament Committee -total negativity to even the most reasonable proposal to strengthen the Bill’s job creating powers.

THE RESPECT AGENDA LIES DEAD IN THEIR THROATS

This is Westminster’s agenda of disrespect.- not of disrespect to the SNP but of fundamental disrespect for Scotland.

The Tories and their Liberal frontmen have even taken to call themselves Scotland’s other Government. A Tory Scottish Government?

If Murdo Fraser thought such a notion was conceivable then he wouldn’t be trying to disband the Party!

In contrast fiscal responsibility, financial freedom, real economic powers is a legitimate proposal. It could allow us to control our own resources, introduce competitive business tax, and fair personal taxation.

All good, all necessary, but not good enough.

Delegates even with economic powers Trident nuclear missiles would still be on the River Clyde, we could still be forced to spill blood in illegal wars like Iraq, and Scotland would still be excluded from the Councils of Europe and the world.

THESE THINGS ONLY INDEPENDENCE CAN BRING WHICH IS WHY THIS PARTY WILL CAMPAIGN FULL SQUARE FOR INDEPENDENCE IN THE COMING REFERENDUM

We have the talent, resources and ingenuity . The only limitations are our imagination and our ambition. So give Scotland the tools, put the people of Scotland in charge and see our nation flourish as never before.

Let us a build a nation that reflects the values of our people.

With a social contract – and a social conscience – at the very heart of our success.

The society, the country, that Scotland desires, that Scotland believes in - it is not a country or a future on offer from the Tory government down south.

Even that one institution which really made Britain great – the National Health Service, – is being dismantled in England.

THE TORIES CALL IT A BIG SOCIETY

I CALL IT NO SOCIETY AT ALL

Remember the founding principles. We are committed to winning Independence for Scotland.

And we are pledged to the furtherance of all Scottish interests, both are in our DNA. It is who we are and what we are for.

They are what makes us Scotland’s National Party.

And it is more than a name – it is an attitude.

Over these past three days, at this conference, I have seen that passion and belief in action.

We are a party with a mission, because we know Scotland’s cause is great and we know Scotland’s need is great.

Let us be strong. Let us have our own debate about our own future on the timescale which was endorsed by the people in May. And let us decide it in a proper fashion

Our task is to work – to convince the people of this nation that we can do better

To work at building a society which is not simply better than today’s, but a beacon of justice and fairness to the world

All these things will come from hard work, from toil and from sweat. Look around you, look at where we stand

And tell me this was easy – it was not. This was eighty years of hard work

We stand where we do because of generations before us, because of party workers and campaigners who never saw this day.

AND WE SHALL PREVAIL – because we share a vision.

A vision of a land without boundaries.

Of a people unshackled from low ambition and poor chances.

Of a society unlimited in its efforts to be fair and free.

Of a Scotland unbound .

Nae limits for Scotland.

4.000 peticions a través de Twitter demanen al Govern que blindi el model lingüístic a les escoles amb el català com a llengua vehicular

4.000 peticions a través de Twitter demanen al Govern que blindi el model lingüístic a les escoles amb el català com a llengua vehicular

LA LLENGUA CATALANA A LA ROMA D’ALEXANDRE VI

per Jordi Bilbeny

Fullejant el llibre de la Zenia Sacks Da Silva, The Spanish connection. Spanish and Spanish-American Lliterature in the Arts of the World, hi llegeixo uns mots ben suggerents, fent referència al fet que Roderic de Borja es coronés Papa. L’autora escriu: “Clarament, amb el control de l’estat papal en vingué la infiltració dels costums espanyols a Roma, tal com ja havia passat a Nàpols. Calixt fou succeït pel seu nebot Roderic, el cèlebre Alexandre VI, en la cort papal del qual l’espanyol esdevingué la llengua oficial, tal com havia passat a la cort napolitana”[1].

Encara que l’autor digui explícitament que la llengua oficial de la Cúria del Papa Borja fos l’espanyol, i que avui dia tothom identifiqui l’espanyol amb el castellà, això no era així al segle XV ni a començament del XVI. La prova més evident és que és universalment conegut i comentat de tot erudit solvent que la llengua oficial tant a la cort de Calixt III com d’Alexandre VI era el català.

Així ho assegurava el Pare Batllori al seu estudi sobre “El català, llengua de Cort a Roma durant els pontificats de Calixt III i Alexandre VI”, on deixa palès que es va utilitzar “el català com a llengua de cort en la Roma dels Borja”[2] i que, aquesta “era la llengua dels familiars i dels més privats col·laboradors dels dos pontífexs, raó per la qual era respectada per altres cortesans i pels oficials de la cúria pontifícia”[3]. Així mateix, després de constatar que a la cúria també s’hi usaven de forma normal el llatí i l’italià, i de documentar un parell d’italians que empraven el català en terres catalanes, innova que “llevat d’aquests casos d’italians residents en terres de llengua catalana, no en coneixem cap d’un italià que, al palau de Calixt III o d’Alexandre VI, hagués après i practicat el català com a llengua de cort”[4]. I acte seguit rebla: “Però el fet que aquest fos emprat entre ells per cortesans i curials provinents de terres de llengua castellana, o pel papa quan a ells s’adreçava, basta per a poder parlar-ne com d’una de les llengües de la cort pontifícia en aquelles circumstàncies. L’una cosa i l’altra consten documentalment per als temps de Roderic de Borja papa, cosa que permet de suposar que quelcom de semblant s’havia pogut esdevenir als de Calixt III”[5]. Amb tot, si tenim el compte el nombre ingent de catalans que van tenir càrrecs a la cúria de Calixt III i la gran quantitat que s’hi van relacionar de forma indirecta, com es desprèn de l’estudi i de les llistes que ens forneix En Josep Rius i Serra[6], res no fa pensar el contrari. Ans tot fa creure també que la llengua dominant a la cort d’aquest papa Borja va ser, sense cap mena de dubte, el català.

Ho ha vist així En Ximo Company, el qual dedica un capítol sencer del seu llibre a tractar de “la lliçó lingüística dels Borja” a Roma[7], on ens recorda que “Calixt III va parlar sempre, fins que es va morir al 1458, la llengua que un elevat nombre d’habitants del Regne de València, va manllevar dels cristians procedents de Catalunya, això és el català”[8]. Segons ell, Alfons de Borja va parlar italià a Roma, “però sense descurar mai, ni un sol moment, el valencià que va aprendre amb els seus pares a Xàtiva”[9]. I assenyala: “Recordem, si més no, l’energia amb què va pronunciar en valencià el seu primer discurs de papa en contra del turc”[10]. Per acabar reblant decidit que, amb Calixt III i, sobretot, amb el seu nebot Alexandre VI, “a Roma, la llengua catalana jugava quasi el rol de llengua de Cort”[11].

A més a més, també tenim coneixement que el català no només va ser la llengua normal de relació entre Alexandre VI i els seus parents, servidors i connacionals catalans, sinó que també va ser la llengua de relació amb els castellans que es van relacionar amb ell. Per això insisteix el Pare Batllori que “l’ús del català a la cort d’Alexandre VI per part de gent provinent de la Corona de Castella ens presenta la Roma del final del Quatre-cents i dels primers decennis del Cinc-cents”[12] tal com era: amb els papes vivint plenament en català i fent del català la llengua normal de la Cúria Pontifícia.

És tanta la documentació escrita en català que avui coneixem de la cort d’Alexandre VI, especialment les seves cartes i les dels seus parents i servidors i amics, que En Max Cahner ha sentenciat que “ens trobem davant de la sèrie de cartes privades catalanes més nombrosa i més important de la cultura catalana des de l’edat mitjana fins al Renaixement, tant com a font de coneixement de la història eclesiàstica, política i social, com de la història de la llengua i de la literatura catalanes”[13].

De conformitat amb En Modest Prats, “als palaus pontificis, doncs, ressonava, la llengua catalana, amb accent valencià en la majoria de casos, i a la cancelleria romana es redactaven, i hi arribaven, documents escrits en llatí, en italià i en la llengua del sant Pare, que era la de tants parents i protegits que s’havien emparat a l’ombra del soli romà”[14]. Per això mateix, està convençut que “el català fou, juntament amb el llatí i l’italià, la llengua pròpia de la cort pontifícia”[15]. I creu que, després dels estudis apareguts darrerament, “estem ja en molt bones condicions de mesurar les proporcions de la presència de la nostra llengua a la cort a la Roma pontifícia”[16].

Per En Lluís Cabruja, En Pere Casanellas i la Maria Àngels Massip, “durant els segles XV i XVI la presència catalana a Itàlia esdevé transcendental: dos papes, Calixt III (1456-1458) i Alexandre VI (1492-1503), eren de la família valenciana dels Borja i van fer del català la llengua usual de la cort pontifícia”[17].

A una comprensió semblant ha arribat En Joan F. Mira, que, al seu llibre sobre Els Borja, ens narra: “Tant com el seu oncle Calixt III, el papa Alexandre VI sabia perfectament que a la cort vaticana, i a Roma, en últim extrem només hi podia confiar en els seus parents i amics, i en els seus compatriotes. Roma es va tornar a omplir de gent vinguda de València, de Mallorca o de Lleida; de valencians que residien a Nàpols i que van acudir a la ciutat papal davant de la nova situació favorable, i de militars, eclesiàstics, i tota mena d’aventurers connacionals del papa, que arribaren buscant un benefici, un càrrec o simplement l’oportunitat d’un negoci. De fet, van ser molts els valencians que ocuparen càrrecs i oficis en la cort, des dels metges Gaspar Torrella i Pere Pintor (autors de tractats sobre la pesta, el «mal francès» i altres malalties), fins a oficials de la guàrdia, capitans de castells, barbers, rebosters i altres empleats de la casa del papa. L’abundància de compatriotes de la casa del papa va ser tal, que la seua llengua era de fet la llengua de la cort vaticana, la llengua del palau, de les cuines i del servei privat del pontífex i la llengua que ell mateix va usar sempre amb els seus fills –nascuts a Itàlia i de mare italiana– tant de paraula com en les cartes que en conservem”[18]. I conclou que “el papa Alexandre se sentia còmode i segur, reconfortat, entre tanta gent de la seua sang i de la seua terra, i per a molts valencians d’aquells anys, Itàlia era la seua Amèrica i Roma el seu Eldorado particular: un lloc on l’or circulava en abundància, sobretot al voltant de la cort i la cúria papal, i no era gens difícil de tocar”[19].

I en una altra obra, Nosaltres els italians, editada sis anys després, ho sintetitza magníficament, perquè, en parlar de la importància del català a Roma, rubrica: “No m’estaré tampoc de recordar que, durant els anys dels dos papes Borja, la llengua catalana va ser present a Roma com segurament mai no ho ha estat cap llengua estrangera: en la cúria i en la cort, en la família papal i en els palaus vaticans, en els cercles de tants cardenals, en els ambients militars, i a tot arreu on eren presents centenars de centenars dels incòmodes catalani”[20]. I insisteix: “No sé si Roma havia conegut mai, ni ha tornat a conèixer, una presència no italiana tan forta i tan intensa com aquesta. Pel que en sé, la meua impressió és que no”[21].

Era tanta la naturalitat amb què els papes Borja empraven la seva llengua, que, encara que sembli impensable, Alexandre VI no va utilitzar mai el castellà, llevat de quatre mots en textos escadussers. El Pare Batllori és molt contundent en aquest punt, ja que, per ell, aquest Papa “empra espontàniament el català per als afers familiars, el llatí per als de la cúria romana i l’italià per a la política peninsular (hom coneix només algunes ratlles del papa en castellà)”[22].

I ara també fan molt de sentit aquells mots d’En Pietro Bembo que, exposen que “els romans canviaven segons el canvi de Senyors que feien la Cort”, però, si “pocs anys enrere havia estat tota nostra, ara era canviada i esdevinguda estrangera en gran mesura”[23]. En Bembo també afirma que “per això, com que els espanyols havien manat llur poble a servir llur Pontífex a Roma i València havia ocupat el turó Vaticà, als nostres homes i a les nostres dones ja no els plaïa tenir a la boca altres veus ni altres accents que l’espanyol”[24]. S’entén ben clar: als romans no els plaïa parlar i imitar sinó l’espanyol de València, que és el mateix que dir que es desfeien per parlar català.

Per tant, quan es parla tot sovint de la llengua espanyola a la cúria dels Borja --o, com és el cas de la Zenia Sacks, a la cort d’Alexandre VI–, hem d’interpretar que s’està parlant únicament i exclusiva de la llengua catalana, que també era llengua espanyola.

Llavors, continua sent altament revelador el que aquesta estudiosa segueix exposant sobre l’oficialitat de la llengua espanyola a la cúria papal, car, segons ella, “això és testimoniat pel fet que el Cardenal Pietro Bembo, d’advocat més eloqüent de la llengua italiana, modelada en l’idioma de Bocaccio i Petrarca, va dedicar temps a aprendre l’espanyol. A la seva Prose delle volgar lingua, Bembo no amagava un cert menyspreu per aquest idioma que estava impregnant la llengua italiana, encara que ell no aprovés que, a Roma, els homes i les dones imitessin la terminologia espanyola, els accents i les peculiaritats com a una pràctica elegant”[25].

Dels mots de la Zenia Sacks se’n continua desprenent amb una gran transparència que els romans imitaven la llengua catalana, n’agafaven paraules, girs, l’accent, particularitats, perquè trobaven que parlar català feia elegant. I que justament per això Bembo estudiava català i alhora estava preocupat per l’efecte que aquesta llengua tenia sobre l’italià i sobre els romans. És a dir, que l’italià i els romans s’estaven “impregnant” de català, perquè aquesta era la llengua de prestigi: la llengua del papa, dels seus familiars i amics, la llengua de la cúria i la llengua de milers de catalans que ja llavors vivien a Roma.

En aquest sentit En Thomas J. Dandelet ha remarcat que, a més a més, dels cardenals, parents i servidors d’Alexandre VI, “una altre grup d’espanyols que val la pena destacar era els dels comerciants, bàsicament catalans, que establiren un comerç lucratiu entre Espanya i l’estat pontifici. Eren prou nombrosos per constituir un consolat, una mena de gremi comercial per protegir i controlar llurs interessos comercials, i construïren cases i magatzems al llarg de la ribera del Tíber, al barri del Trastevere, per emmagatzemar llurs mercaderies. Ells, juntament amb d’altres catalans de la ciutat, i amb la benedicció d’Alexandre VI, aixecaren la nova església de Santa Maria de Montserrat, en la qual tenien també una modesta confraria”[26].

En Rovira i Virgili també ho ha copsat exactament així. Per ell, “en temps de Calixte III i d’Alexandre VI, Roma s’omplí de catalans de totes les regions nacionals”[27]. Per I’Egmont Lee, ben aviat, “sota Calixt III, un estol de catalans van davallar sobre Roma”[28]. I la Zenia Sacks aporta el testimoni d’En Paolo da Ponte, que, en descriure Roma al 1458, just quan finia el pontificat de Calixt III, ens advera que a la ciutat “non vi sono se non catalani”[29].

En Ximo Company, en aquest mateix caient de coses, també s’ha adonat que amb el nomenament papal de Calixt III, “València, els valencians i el valencià es posaven de moda a Roma”, per tal com “310 persones de la «terreta» començaven a ocupar els càrrecs més preuats i buscats a la cort pontifícia. Els italians van protestar, però més ho haurien d’haver fet els valencians. A la fi, Calixt III gairebé va despullar València d’intel·lectuals, de gent preparada i competent en nombrosos càrrecs importants. El bo i milloret de l’elit valenciana va sofrir un impecable èxode cap a Itàlia”[30].

L’observació de la presència abassegadora de catalans a Roma també la subscriu En Benedetto Croce, que ens assegura que Calixt III es va dedicar “a cridar a Roma un eixam de parents seus, fins a l’extrem que a la primera nòmina de cardenals que nomenà al 1456 escollí tres espanyols, entre ells el seu nebot Roderic de Borja, Lluís Milà de València, també nebot seu, i un fill del rei de Portugal. La ciutat de Roma es poblà d’espanyols, principalment oriünds de les províncies valencianes i catalanes. «No s’hi veuen sinó catalans» escrivia Paolo da Ponte al 1458, i un estudiós de la Roma de llavors afirma que «s’introduïren a Roma costums i jocs espanyols i fins i tot l’accent espanyol»[31]. I no es pot estar de comentar que “la llengua espanyola era llavors molt utilitzada a Roma”[32].

Tot i que s’imposi sol i gairebé sense arguments, que els espanyols d’Itàlia i, més precisament de Roma, eren únicament els catalans, he trobat que un autor espanyol també ho subscriu. Es tracta d’En José María Díaz Fernández, pel qual, “els espanyols que amb Calixt III ompliren la cort pontifícia eren designats normalment com a «catalani». I ho eren”[33].

Per tant, em sembla evident, que si València va ocupar el Vaticà amb la seva gent; si a Roma no s’hi veien sinó catalans, perquè català era el papa, els seus parents, assessors, caps militars, cancellers, diplomàtics i amics, els quals parlaven català entre ells, i s’escrivien en aquesta llengua, quan hom parla de l’accent espanyol i de la llengua espanyola, és que hem de llegir amb tota naturalitat “accent català” i “llengua catalana”. I quan hom parla que hi havia italians que estudiaven l’espanyol cal interpretar sense cap mena d’embut conceptual que estudiaven català.

I això és important saber-ho i tenir-ho clar, perquè quan la Zenia Sacks subscriu que “amb el casament de la filla d’Alexandre, Lucrècia, amb l’Alfons d’Este al 1502, la infiltració cultural espanyola a la península italiana arrelà tan definitivament i extensament, que no es va poder considerar mai més com un fet limitat i puntual”[34], ens està dient que la cultura catalana arrelà a Itàlia d’una forma insospitada, pregona i permanent. I que quan ens recorda que, “òbviament, el paisatge de la literatura italiana d’aquest període reflecteix plenament l’entorn sociopolític, i fa inevitable que els poetes italians poguessin incorporar a les seves obres aquestes influències i costums espanyols que ja eren part essencial de les seves vides”[35], ens torna a posar en evidència que la vida catalana va esdevenir la substància bàsica de la literatura italiana d’aquells moments.

Un període que caldria tornar a revisar, a estudiar, amb el màxim de rigor i dedicació, però no pas posant la llengua castellana ni la cultura de Castella al mig de Roma i al mig d’Itàlia, sinó pensant en l’ànima de Catalunya: la seva gent, la seva llengua els seus costums, la seva roba, la seva cuina, la seva ciència, les seves gestes, la seva història, la seva filosofia, la seva religiositat, la seva política, la seva literatura, les seves arts. Tot això que els catalans de llavors portaren a Sicília, a Nàpols, a Roma, i a Itàlia en general, i del qual només ens ha arribat l’eco llunyà –difús, perdut, distorsionat– que dos papes Borja, al Vaticà, van parlar català. O espanyol.

Jordi Bilbeny

---

[1] ZENIA SACKS DA SILVA, The Hispanic connection. Spanish-American Literature in the Arts of the World; Praeger Publishers, Westport, 2004, p. 44.

[2] MIQUEL BATLLORI, “El català, llengua de Cort a Roma durant els pontificats de Calixt III i Alexandre VI”, La familia Borja; Obra Completa, vol. IV, Biblioteca d’Estudis i Investigacions-21, Eliseu Climent, Editor; València, 1994, p. 145.

[3] Ídem.

[4] Ídem, p. 146.

[5] Ídem.

[6] Vg. JOSÉ RIUS SERRA, Catalanes y aragoneses en la Corte de Calixto III; Biblioteca Histórica de la Biblioteca Balmes, Sèrie I, volum III, Editorial Balmes, S.A.; Barcelona, 1927, p. 28-113 i 139-145.

[7] XIMO COMPANY, Els Borja, espill del temps; Col·lecció Politècnica-51, Edicions Alfons el Magnànim – Institució Valenciana d’Estudis i Investigació, València, 1992, p. 48-50.

[8] Ídem, p. 48.

[9] Ídem.

[10] Ídem.

[11] Ídem, p. 49.

[12] M. BATLLORI, op. cit., p. 150.

[13] MAX CAHNER, “La correspondència dels Borja”, Els temps dels Borja; Ajuntament de Xàtiva – Consell Valencià de Cultura, València, 1996, p. 82.

[14] MODEST PRATS, “Pròleg” a De València a Roma. Cartes triades dels Borja; edició i estudi de Miquel Batllori, Sèrie gran-21, Quaderns Crema, S.A.; Barcelona, 1998, p. 30.

[15] Ídem, p. 28-29.

[16] Ídem, p. 30-31.

[17] LLUÍS CABRUJA, PERE CASANELLAS, M. ÀNGELS MASSIP I BONET, Història de la Llengua Catalana; Columna Edicions, Barcelona, 1987, p. XXXV.

[18] JOAN F. MIRA, Els Borja. Família i mite; Edicions Bromera, S.L., Alzira, 2000, p. 59-60.

[19] Ídem, p. 60.

[20] JOAN F. MIRA, Nosaltres els italians; Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona, 2004, p. 13-14.

[21] Ídem, p. 14.

[22] M. BATLLORI, op. cit., p. 158.

[23] Prose di M. Pietro Bembo nelle quali si ragiona Della Volgar Lingua; Giouan Tacuino, Venècia, 1525, foli 30.

[24] Ídem.

[25] Z. SACKS DA SILVA, op. cit., p. 44.

[26] THOMAS J. DANDELET, La Roma española (1500-1700); traducció de Lara Vilà Tomàs, Criítica, S.L.; Barcelona, 2002, p. 45.

[27] ANTONI ROVIRA I VIRGILI, Història de Catalunya; Editorial La Gran Enciclopedia Vasca, Bilbo, 1978, vol. VII, p. 434.

[28] EGMONT LEE, Sixtus IV and Men of Letters; Temi e Testi-26, Edizioni di Stori e Litteratura, Roma, 1978, p. 37.

[29] Z. SACKS DA SILVA, op. cit., p. 52, nota 6.

[30] X. COMPANY, op. cit., p. 20.

[31] BENEDETTO CROCE, España en la vida italiana del Renacimiento; traducció de Francisco González Ríos, Editorial Renacimiento, Sevilla, 2007, p. 124.

[32] Ídem, p. 133.

[33] JOSÉ MARÍA DÍAZ FERNÁNDEZ, Desde Santiago: personas y aconteceres; tresCtres Editores, Santa Comba (A Corunha), 2003, p. 356.

[34] Z. SACKS DA SILVA, op. cit., p. 44.

[35] Ídem.