La Taula d'en Bernat

Espai de reflexió sobre el país i de propostes de futur

12 d’agost 2011

LA LLENGUA CATALANA A LA ROMA D’ALEXANDRE VI

per Jordi Bilbeny

Fullejant el llibre de la Zenia Sacks Da Silva, The Spanish connection. Spanish and Spanish-American Lliterature in the Arts of the World, hi llegeixo uns mots ben suggerents, fent referència al fet que Roderic de Borja es coronés Papa. L’autora escriu: “Clarament, amb el control de l’estat papal en vingué la infiltració dels costums espanyols a Roma, tal com ja havia passat a Nàpols. Calixt fou succeït pel seu nebot Roderic, el cèlebre Alexandre VI, en la cort papal del qual l’espanyol esdevingué la llengua oficial, tal com havia passat a la cort napolitana”[1].

Encara que l’autor digui explícitament que la llengua oficial de la Cúria del Papa Borja fos l’espanyol, i que avui dia tothom identifiqui l’espanyol amb el castellà, això no era així al segle XV ni a començament del XVI. La prova més evident és que és universalment conegut i comentat de tot erudit solvent que la llengua oficial tant a la cort de Calixt III com d’Alexandre VI era el català.

Així ho assegurava el Pare Batllori al seu estudi sobre “El català, llengua de Cort a Roma durant els pontificats de Calixt III i Alexandre VI”, on deixa palès que es va utilitzar “el català com a llengua de cort en la Roma dels Borja”[2] i que, aquesta “era la llengua dels familiars i dels més privats col·laboradors dels dos pontífexs, raó per la qual era respectada per altres cortesans i pels oficials de la cúria pontifícia”[3]. Així mateix, després de constatar que a la cúria també s’hi usaven de forma normal el llatí i l’italià, i de documentar un parell d’italians que empraven el català en terres catalanes, innova que “llevat d’aquests casos d’italians residents en terres de llengua catalana, no en coneixem cap d’un italià que, al palau de Calixt III o d’Alexandre VI, hagués après i practicat el català com a llengua de cort”[4]. I acte seguit rebla: “Però el fet que aquest fos emprat entre ells per cortesans i curials provinents de terres de llengua castellana, o pel papa quan a ells s’adreçava, basta per a poder parlar-ne com d’una de les llengües de la cort pontifícia en aquelles circumstàncies. L’una cosa i l’altra consten documentalment per als temps de Roderic de Borja papa, cosa que permet de suposar que quelcom de semblant s’havia pogut esdevenir als de Calixt III”[5]. Amb tot, si tenim el compte el nombre ingent de catalans que van tenir càrrecs a la cúria de Calixt III i la gran quantitat que s’hi van relacionar de forma indirecta, com es desprèn de l’estudi i de les llistes que ens forneix En Josep Rius i Serra[6], res no fa pensar el contrari. Ans tot fa creure també que la llengua dominant a la cort d’aquest papa Borja va ser, sense cap mena de dubte, el català.

Ho ha vist així En Ximo Company, el qual dedica un capítol sencer del seu llibre a tractar de “la lliçó lingüística dels Borja” a Roma[7], on ens recorda que “Calixt III va parlar sempre, fins que es va morir al 1458, la llengua que un elevat nombre d’habitants del Regne de València, va manllevar dels cristians procedents de Catalunya, això és el català”[8]. Segons ell, Alfons de Borja va parlar italià a Roma, “però sense descurar mai, ni un sol moment, el valencià que va aprendre amb els seus pares a Xàtiva”[9]. I assenyala: “Recordem, si més no, l’energia amb què va pronunciar en valencià el seu primer discurs de papa en contra del turc”[10]. Per acabar reblant decidit que, amb Calixt III i, sobretot, amb el seu nebot Alexandre VI, “a Roma, la llengua catalana jugava quasi el rol de llengua de Cort”[11].

A més a més, també tenim coneixement que el català no només va ser la llengua normal de relació entre Alexandre VI i els seus parents, servidors i connacionals catalans, sinó que també va ser la llengua de relació amb els castellans que es van relacionar amb ell. Per això insisteix el Pare Batllori que “l’ús del català a la cort d’Alexandre VI per part de gent provinent de la Corona de Castella ens presenta la Roma del final del Quatre-cents i dels primers decennis del Cinc-cents”[12] tal com era: amb els papes vivint plenament en català i fent del català la llengua normal de la Cúria Pontifícia.

És tanta la documentació escrita en català que avui coneixem de la cort d’Alexandre VI, especialment les seves cartes i les dels seus parents i servidors i amics, que En Max Cahner ha sentenciat que “ens trobem davant de la sèrie de cartes privades catalanes més nombrosa i més important de la cultura catalana des de l’edat mitjana fins al Renaixement, tant com a font de coneixement de la història eclesiàstica, política i social, com de la història de la llengua i de la literatura catalanes”[13].

De conformitat amb En Modest Prats, “als palaus pontificis, doncs, ressonava, la llengua catalana, amb accent valencià en la majoria de casos, i a la cancelleria romana es redactaven, i hi arribaven, documents escrits en llatí, en italià i en la llengua del sant Pare, que era la de tants parents i protegits que s’havien emparat a l’ombra del soli romà”[14]. Per això mateix, està convençut que “el català fou, juntament amb el llatí i l’italià, la llengua pròpia de la cort pontifícia”[15]. I creu que, després dels estudis apareguts darrerament, “estem ja en molt bones condicions de mesurar les proporcions de la presència de la nostra llengua a la cort a la Roma pontifícia”[16].

Per En Lluís Cabruja, En Pere Casanellas i la Maria Àngels Massip, “durant els segles XV i XVI la presència catalana a Itàlia esdevé transcendental: dos papes, Calixt III (1456-1458) i Alexandre VI (1492-1503), eren de la família valenciana dels Borja i van fer del català la llengua usual de la cort pontifícia”[17].

A una comprensió semblant ha arribat En Joan F. Mira, que, al seu llibre sobre Els Borja, ens narra: “Tant com el seu oncle Calixt III, el papa Alexandre VI sabia perfectament que a la cort vaticana, i a Roma, en últim extrem només hi podia confiar en els seus parents i amics, i en els seus compatriotes. Roma es va tornar a omplir de gent vinguda de València, de Mallorca o de Lleida; de valencians que residien a Nàpols i que van acudir a la ciutat papal davant de la nova situació favorable, i de militars, eclesiàstics, i tota mena d’aventurers connacionals del papa, que arribaren buscant un benefici, un càrrec o simplement l’oportunitat d’un negoci. De fet, van ser molts els valencians que ocuparen càrrecs i oficis en la cort, des dels metges Gaspar Torrella i Pere Pintor (autors de tractats sobre la pesta, el «mal francès» i altres malalties), fins a oficials de la guàrdia, capitans de castells, barbers, rebosters i altres empleats de la casa del papa. L’abundància de compatriotes de la casa del papa va ser tal, que la seua llengua era de fet la llengua de la cort vaticana, la llengua del palau, de les cuines i del servei privat del pontífex i la llengua que ell mateix va usar sempre amb els seus fills –nascuts a Itàlia i de mare italiana– tant de paraula com en les cartes que en conservem”[18]. I conclou que “el papa Alexandre se sentia còmode i segur, reconfortat, entre tanta gent de la seua sang i de la seua terra, i per a molts valencians d’aquells anys, Itàlia era la seua Amèrica i Roma el seu Eldorado particular: un lloc on l’or circulava en abundància, sobretot al voltant de la cort i la cúria papal, i no era gens difícil de tocar”[19].

I en una altra obra, Nosaltres els italians, editada sis anys després, ho sintetitza magníficament, perquè, en parlar de la importància del català a Roma, rubrica: “No m’estaré tampoc de recordar que, durant els anys dels dos papes Borja, la llengua catalana va ser present a Roma com segurament mai no ho ha estat cap llengua estrangera: en la cúria i en la cort, en la família papal i en els palaus vaticans, en els cercles de tants cardenals, en els ambients militars, i a tot arreu on eren presents centenars de centenars dels incòmodes catalani[20]. I insisteix: “No sé si Roma havia conegut mai, ni ha tornat a conèixer, una presència no italiana tan forta i tan intensa com aquesta. Pel que en sé, la meua impressió és que no”[21].

Era tanta la naturalitat amb què els papes Borja empraven la seva llengua, que, encara que sembli impensable, Alexandre VI no va utilitzar mai el castellà, llevat de quatre mots en textos escadussers. El Pare Batllori és molt contundent en aquest punt, ja que, per ell, aquest Papa “empra espontàniament el català per als afers familiars, el llatí per als de la cúria romana i l’italià per a la política peninsular (hom coneix només algunes ratlles del papa en castellà)”[22].

I ara també fan molt de sentit aquells mots d’En Pietro Bembo que, exposen que “els romans canviaven segons el canvi de Senyors que feien la Cort”, però, si “pocs anys enrere havia estat tota nostra, ara era canviada i esdevinguda estrangera en gran mesura”[23]. En Bembo també afirma que “per això, com que els espanyols havien manat llur poble a servir llur Pontífex a Roma i València havia ocupat el turó Vaticà, als nostres homes i a les nostres dones ja no els plaïa tenir a la boca altres veus ni altres accents que l’espanyol”[24]. S’entén ben clar: als romans no els plaïa parlar i imitar sinó l’espanyol de València, que és el mateix que dir que es desfeien per parlar català.

Per tant, quan es parla tot sovint de la llengua espanyola a la cúria dels Borja --o, com és el cas de la Zenia Sacks, a la cort d’Alexandre VI–, hem d’interpretar que s’està parlant únicament i exclusiva de la llengua catalana, que també era llengua espanyola.

Llavors, continua sent altament revelador el que aquesta estudiosa segueix exposant sobre l’oficialitat de la llengua espanyola a la cúria papal, car, segons ella, “això és testimoniat pel fet que el Cardenal Pietro Bembo, d’advocat més eloqüent de la llengua italiana, modelada en l’idioma de Bocaccio i Petrarca, va dedicar temps a aprendre l’espanyol. A la seva Prose delle volgar lingua, Bembo no amagava un cert menyspreu per aquest idioma que estava impregnant la llengua italiana, encara que ell no aprovés que, a Roma, els homes i les dones imitessin la terminologia espanyola, els accents i les peculiaritats com a una pràctica elegant”[25].

Dels mots de la Zenia Sacks se’n continua desprenent amb una gran transparència que els romans imitaven la llengua catalana, n’agafaven paraules, girs, l’accent, particularitats, perquè trobaven que parlar català feia elegant. I que justament per això Bembo estudiava català i alhora estava preocupat per l’efecte que aquesta llengua tenia sobre l’italià i sobre els romans. És a dir, que l’italià i els romans s’estaven “impregnant” de català, perquè aquesta era la llengua de prestigi: la llengua del papa, dels seus familiars i amics, la llengua de la cúria i la llengua de milers de catalans que ja llavors vivien a Roma.

En aquest sentit En Thomas J. Dandelet ha remarcat que, a més a més, dels cardenals, parents i servidors d’Alexandre VI, “una altre grup d’espanyols que val la pena destacar era els dels comerciants, bàsicament catalans, que establiren un comerç lucratiu entre Espanya i l’estat pontifici. Eren prou nombrosos per constituir un consolat, una mena de gremi comercial per protegir i controlar llurs interessos comercials, i construïren cases i magatzems al llarg de la ribera del Tíber, al barri del Trastevere, per emmagatzemar llurs mercaderies. Ells, juntament amb d’altres catalans de la ciutat, i amb la benedicció d’Alexandre VI, aixecaren la nova església de Santa Maria de Montserrat, en la qual tenien també una modesta confraria”[26].

En Rovira i Virgili també ho ha copsat exactament així. Per ell, “en temps de Calixte III i d’Alexandre VI, Roma s’omplí de catalans de totes les regions nacionals”[27]. Per I’Egmont Lee, ben aviat, “sota Calixt III, un estol de catalans van davallar sobre Roma”[28]. I la Zenia Sacks aporta el testimoni d’En Paolo da Ponte, que, en descriure Roma al 1458, just quan finia el pontificat de Calixt III, ens advera que a la ciutat “non vi sono se non catalani”[29].

En Ximo Company, en aquest mateix caient de coses, també s’ha adonat que amb el nomenament papal de Calixt III, “València, els valencians i el valencià es posaven de moda a Roma”, per tal com “310 persones de la «terreta» començaven a ocupar els càrrecs més preuats i buscats a la cort pontifícia. Els italians van protestar, però més ho haurien d’haver fet els valencians. A la fi, Calixt III gairebé va despullar València d’intel·lectuals, de gent preparada i competent en nombrosos càrrecs importants. El bo i milloret de l’elit valenciana va sofrir un impecable èxode cap a Itàlia”[30].

L’observació de la presència abassegadora de catalans a Roma també la subscriu En Benedetto Croce, que ens assegura que Calixt III es va dedicar “a cridar a Roma un eixam de parents seus, fins a l’extrem que a la primera nòmina de cardenals que nomenà al 1456 escollí tres espanyols, entre ells el seu nebot Roderic de Borja, Lluís Milà de València, també nebot seu, i un fill del rei de Portugal. La ciutat de Roma es poblà d’espanyols, principalment oriünds de les províncies valencianes i catalanes. «No s’hi veuen sinó catalans» escrivia Paolo da Ponte al 1458, i un estudiós de la Roma de llavors afirma que «s’introduïren a Roma costums i jocs espanyols i fins i tot l’accent espanyol»[31]. I no es pot estar de comentar que “la llengua espanyola era llavors molt utilitzada a Roma”[32].

Tot i que s’imposi sol i gairebé sense arguments, que els espanyols d’Itàlia i, més precisament de Roma, eren únicament els catalans, he trobat que un autor espanyol també ho subscriu. Es tracta d’En José María Díaz Fernández, pel qual, “els espanyols que amb Calixt III ompliren la cort pontifícia eren designats normalment com a «catalani». I ho eren”[33].

Per tant, em sembla evident, que si València va ocupar el Vaticà amb la seva gent; si a Roma no s’hi veien sinó catalans, perquè català era el papa, els seus parents, assessors, caps militars, cancellers, diplomàtics i amics, els quals parlaven català entre ells, i s’escrivien en aquesta llengua, quan hom parla de l’accent espanyol i de la llengua espanyola, és que hem de llegir amb tota naturalitat “accent català” i “llengua catalana”. I quan hom parla que hi havia italians que estudiaven l’espanyol cal interpretar sense cap mena d’embut conceptual que estudiaven català.

I això és important saber-ho i tenir-ho clar, perquè quan la Zenia Sacks subscriu que “amb el casament de la filla d’Alexandre, Lucrècia, amb l’Alfons d’Este al 1502, la infiltració cultural espanyola a la península italiana arrelà tan definitivament i extensament, que no es va poder considerar mai més com un fet limitat i puntual”[34], ens està dient que la cultura catalana arrelà a Itàlia d’una forma insospitada, pregona i permanent. I que quan ens recorda que, “òbviament, el paisatge de la literatura italiana d’aquest període reflecteix plenament l’entorn sociopolític, i fa inevitable que els poetes italians poguessin incorporar a les seves obres aquestes influències i costums espanyols que ja eren part essencial de les seves vides”[35], ens torna a posar en evidència que la vida catalana va esdevenir la substància bàsica de la literatura italiana d’aquells moments.

Un període que caldria tornar a revisar, a estudiar, amb el màxim de rigor i dedicació, però no pas posant la llengua castellana ni la cultura de Castella al mig de Roma i al mig d’Itàlia, sinó pensant en l’ànima de Catalunya: la seva gent, la seva llengua els seus costums, la seva roba, la seva cuina, la seva ciència, les seves gestes, la seva història, la seva filosofia, la seva religiositat, la seva política, la seva literatura, les seves arts. Tot això que els catalans de llavors portaren a Sicília, a Nàpols, a Roma, i a Itàlia en general, i del qual només ens ha arribat l’eco llunyà –difús, perdut, distorsionat– que dos papes Borja, al Vaticà, van parlar català. O espanyol.

Jordi Bilbeny



[1] ZENIA SACKS DA SILVA, The Hispanic connection. Spanish-American Literature in the Arts of the World; Praeger Publishers, Westport, 2004, p. 44.

[2] MIQUEL BATLLORI, “El català, llengua de Cort a Roma durant els pontificats de Calixt III i Alexandre VI”, La familia Borja; Obra Completa, vol. IV, Biblioteca d’Estudis i Investigacions-21, Eliseu Climent, Editor; València, 1994, p. 145.

[3] Ídem.

[4] Ídem, p. 146.

[5] Ídem.

[6] Vg. JOSÉ RIUS SERRA, Catalanes y aragoneses en la Corte de Calixto III; Biblioteca Histórica de la Biblioteca Balmes, Sèrie I, volum III, Editorial Balmes, S.A.; Barcelona, 1927, p. 28-113 i 139-145.

[7] XIMO COMPANY, Els Borja, espill del temps; Col·lecció Politècnica-51, Edicions Alfons el Magnànim – Institució Valenciana d’Estudis i Investigació, València, 1992, p. 48-50.

[8] Ídem, p. 48.

[9] Ídem.

[10] Ídem.

[11] Ídem, p. 49.

[12] M. BATLLORI, op. cit., p. 150.

[13] MAX CAHNER, “La correspondència dels Borja”, Els temps dels Borja; Ajuntament de Xàtiva – Consell Valencià de Cultura, València, 1996, p. 82.

[14] MODEST PRATS, “Pròleg” a De València a Roma. Cartes triades dels Borja; edició i estudi de Miquel Batllori, Sèrie gran-21, Quaderns Crema, S.A.; Barcelona, 1998, p. 30.

[15] Ídem, p. 28-29.

[16] Ídem, p. 30-31.

[17] LLUÍS CABRUJA, PERE CASANELLAS, M. ÀNGELS MASSIP I BONET, Història de la Llengua Catalana; Columna Edicions, Barcelona, 1987, p. XXXV.

[18] JOAN F. MIRA, Els Borja. Família i mite; Edicions Bromera, S.L., Alzira, 2000, p. 59-60.

[19] Ídem, p. 60.

[20] JOAN F. MIRA, Nosaltres els italians; Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona, 2004, p. 13-14.

[21] Ídem, p. 14.

[22] M. BATLLORI, op. cit., p. 158.

[23] Prose di M. Pietro Bembo nelle quali si ragiona Della Volgar Lingua; Giouan Tacuino, Venècia, 1525, foli 30.

[24] Ídem.

[25] Z. SACKS DA SILVA, op. cit., p. 44.

[26] THOMAS J. DANDELET, La Roma española (1500-1700); traducció de Lara Vilà Tomàs, Criítica, S.L.; Barcelona, 2002, p. 45.

[27] ANTONI ROVIRA I VIRGILI, Història de Catalunya; Editorial La Gran Enciclopedia Vasca, Bilbo, 1978, vol. VII, p. 434.

[28] EGMONT LEE, Sixtus IV and Men of Letters; Temi e Testi-26, Edizioni di Stori e Litteratura, Roma, 1978, p. 37.

[29] Z. SACKS DA SILVA, op. cit., p. 52, nota 6.

[30] X. COMPANY, op. cit., p. 20.

[31] BENEDETTO CROCE, España en la vida italiana del Renacimiento; traducció de Francisco González Ríos, Editorial Renacimiento, Sevilla, 2007, p. 124.

[32] Ídem, p. 133.

[33] JOSÉ MARÍA DÍAZ FERNÁNDEZ, Desde Santiago: personas y aconteceres; tresCtres Editores, Santa Comba (A Corunha), 2003, p. 356.

[34] Z. SACKS DA SILVA, op. cit., p. 44.

[35] Ídem.

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09 d’agost 2011

Act of Abjuration


1581 july 26



*** Original text

The States General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, to all whom it may concern, do by these Presents send greeting:

As it is apparent to all that a prince is constituted by God to be ruler of a people, to defend them from oppression and violence as the shepherd his sheep; and whereas God did not create the people slaves to their prince, to obey his commands, whether right or wrong, but rather the prince for the sake of the subjects (without which he could be no prince), to govern them according to equity, to love and support them as a father his children or a shepherd his flock, and even at the hazard of life to defend and preserve them. And when he does not behave thus, but, on the contrary, oppresses them, seeking opportunities to infringe their ancient customs and privileges, exacting from them slavish compliance, then he is no longer a prince, but a tyrant, and the subjects are to consider him in no other view. And particularly when this is done deliberately, unauthorized by the states, they may not only disallow his authority, but legally proceed to the choice of another prince for their defense. This is the only method left for subjects whose humble petitions and remonstrances could never soften their prince or dissuade him from his tyrannical proceedings; and this is what the law of nature dictates for the defense of liberty, which we ought to transmit to posterity, even at the hazard of our lives. And this we have seen done frequently in several countries upon the like occasion, whereof there are notorious instances, and more justifiable in our land, which has been always governed according to their ancient privileges, which are expressed in the oath taken by the prince at his admission to the government; for most of the Provinces receive their prince upon certain conditions, which he swears to maintain, which, if the prince violates, he is no longer sovereign.

Now thus it was that the king of Spain after the demise of the emperor, his father, Charles the Fifth, of the glorious memory (of whom he received all these provinces), forgetting the services done by the subjects of these countries, both to his father and himself, by whose valor he got so glorious and memorable victories over his enemies that his name and power became famous and dreaded over all the world, forgetting also the advice of his said imperial majesty, made to him before to the contrary, did rather hearken to the counsel of those Spaniards about him, who had conceived a secret hatred to this land and to its liberty, because they could not enjoy posts of honor and high employments here under the states as in Naples, Sicily, Milan and the Indies, and other countries under the king's dominion. Thus allured by the riches of the said provinces, wherewith many of them were well acquainted, the said counselors, we say, or the principal of them, frequently remonstrated to the king that it was more for his Majesty's reputation and grandeur to subdue the Low Countries a second time, and to make himself absolute (by which they mean to tyrannize at pleasure), than to govern according to the restrictions he had accepted, and at his admission sworn to observe. From that time forward the king of Spain, following these evil counselors, sought by all means possible to reduce this country (stripping them of their ancient privileges) to slavery, under the government of Spaniards having first, under the mask of religion, endeavored to settle new bishops in the largest and principal cities, endowing and incorporating them with the richest abbeys, assigning to each bishop nine canons to assist him as counselors, three whereof should superintend the inquisition.

By this incorporation the said bishops (who might be strangers as well as natives) would have had the first place and vote in the assembly of the states, and always the prince's creatures at devotion; and by the addition of the said canons he would have introduced the Spanish inquisition, which has been always as dreadful and detested in these provinces as the worst of slavery, as is well known, in so much that his imperial majesty, having once before proposed it to these states, and upon whose remonstrances did desist, and entirely gave it up, hereby giving proof of the great affection he had for his subjects. But, notwithstanding the many remonstrances made to the king both by the provinces and particular towns, in writing as well as by some principal lords by word of mouth; and, namely, by the Baron of Montigny and Earl of Egmont, who with the approbation of the Duchess of Parma, then governess of the Low Countries, by the advice of the council of state were sent several times to Spain upon this affair. And, although the king had by fair words given them grounds to hope that their request should be complied with, yet by his letters he ordered the contrary, soon after expressly commanding, upon pain of his displeasure, to admit the new bishops immediately, and put them in possession of their bishoprics and incorporated abbeys, to hold the court of the inquisition in the places where it had been before, to obey and follow the decrees and ordinances of the Council of Trent, which in many articles are destructive of the privileges of the country.

This being come to the knowledge of the people gave just occasion to great uneasiness and clamor among them, and lessened that good affection they had always borne toward the king and his predecessors. And, especially, seeing that he did not only seek to tyrannize over their persons and estates, but also over their consciences, for which they believed themselves accountable to God only. Upon this occasion the chief of the nobility in compassion to the poor people, in the year 1566, exhibited a certain remonstrance in form of a petition, humbly praying, in order to appease them and prevent public disturbances, that it would please his majesty (by showing that clemency due from a good prince to his people) to soften the said points, and especially with regard to the rigorous inquisition, and capital punishments for matters of religion. And to inform the king of this affair in a more solemn manner, and to represent to him how necessary it was for the peace and prosperity of the public to remove the aforesaid innovations, and moderate the severity of his declarations published concerning divine worship, the Marquis de Berghen, and the aforesaid Baron of Montigny had been sent, at the request of the said lady regent, council of state, and of the states-general as ambassadors to Spain, where the king, instead of giving them audience, and redress the grievances they had complained of (which for want of a timely remedy did always appear in their evil consequences among the common people), did, by the advice of Spanish council, declare all those who were concerned in preparing the said remonstrance to be rebels, and guilty of high treason, and to be punished with death, and confiscation of their estates; and, what is more (thinking himself well assured of reducing these countries under absolute tyranny by the army of the Duke of Alva), did soon after imprison and put to death the said lords the ambassadors, and confiscated their estates, contrary to the law of nations, which has been always religiously observed even among the most tyrannic and barbarous princes.

And, although the said disturbances, which in the year 1566 happened on the aforementioned occasion, were now appeased by the governess and her ministers, and many friends to liberty were either banished or subdued, in so much that the king had not any show of reason to use arms and violence, and further oppress this country, yet for these causes and reasons, long time before sought by the council of Spain (as appears by intercepted letters from the Spanish ambassador, Alana, then in France, writ to the Duchess of Parma), to annul all the privileges of this country, and govern it tyrannically at pleasure as in the Indies; and in their new conquests he has, at the instigation of the council of Spain, showing the little regard he had for his people, so contrary to the duty which a good prince owes to his subjects), sent the Duke of Alva with a powerful army to oppress this land, who for his inhuman cruelties is looked upon as one of its greatest enemies, accompanied with counselors too like himself. And, although he came in without the least opposition, and was received by the poor subjects with all marks of honor and clemency, which the king had often hypocritically promised in his letters, and that himself intended to come in person to give orders to their general satisfaction, having since the departure of the Duke of Alva equipped a fleet to carry him from Spain, and another in Zealand to come to meet him at the great expense of the country, the better to deceive his subjects, and allure them into the toils, nevertheless the said duke, immediately after his arrival (though a stranger, and no way related to the royal family), declared that he had a captain-general's commission, and soon after that of governor of these provinces, contrary to all its ancient customs and privileges; and, the more to manifest his designs, he immediately garrisoned the principal towns and castles, and caused fortresses and citadels to be built in the great cities to awe them into subjection, and very courteously sent for the chief nobility in the king's name, under pretense of taking their advice, and to employ them in the service of their country. And those who believed his letters were seized and carried out of Brabant, contrary to law, where they were imprisoned and prosecuted as criminals before him who had no right, nor could be a competent judge; and at last he, without hearing their defense at large, sentenced them to death, which was publicly and ignominiously executed.

The others, better acquainted with Spanish hypocrisy, residing in foreign countries, were declared outlawed, and had their estates confiscated, so that the poor subjects could make no use of their fortresses nor be assisted by their princes in defense of their liberty against the violence of the pope; besides a great number of other gentlemen and substantial citizens, some of whom were executed, and others banished that their estates might be confiscated, plaguing the other honest inhabitants, not only by the injuries done to their wives, children and estates by the Spanish soldiers lodged in their houses, as likewise by diverse contributions, which they were forced to pay toward building citadels and new fortifications of towns even to their own ruin, besides the taxes of the hundredth, twentieth, and tenth penny, to pay both the foreign and those raised in the country, to be employed against their fellow-citizens and against those who at the hazard of their lives defended their liberties. In order to impoverish the subjects, and to incapacitate them to hinder his design, and that he might with more ease execute the instructions received in Spain, to treat these countries as new conquests, he began to alter the course of justice after the Spanish mode, directly contrary to our privileges; and, imagining at last he had nothing more to fear, he endeavored by main force to settle a tax called the tenth penny on merchandise and manufacture, to the total ruin of these countries, the prosperity of which depends upon a flourishing trade, notwithstanding frequent remonstrances, not by a single province only, but by all of them united, which he had effected, had it not been for the Prince of Orange with diverse gentlemen and other inhabitants, who had followed this prince in his exile, most of whom were in his pay, and banished by the Duke of Alva with others who between him and the states of all the provinces, on the contrary sought, by all possible promises made to the colonels already at his devotion, to gain the German troops, who were then garrisoned in the principal fortresses and the cities, that by their assistance he might master them, as he had gained many of them already, and held them attached to his interest in order, by their assistance, to force those who would not join with him in making war against the Prince of Orange, and the provinces of Holland and Zealand, more cruel and bloody than any war before. But, as no disguises can long conceal our intentions, this project was discovered before it could be executed; and he, unable to perform his promises, and instead of that peace so much boasted of at his arrival a new war kindled, not yet extinguished.

All these considerations give us more than sufficient reason to renounce the King of Spain, and seek some other powerful and more gracious prince to take us under his protection; and, more especially, as these countries have been for these twenty years abandoned to disturbance and oppression by their king, during which time the inhabitants were not treated as subjects, but enemies, enslaved forcibly by their own governors.

Having also, after the decease of Don Juan, sufficiently declared by the Baron de Selles that he would not allow the pacification of Ghent, the which Don Juan had in his majesty's name sworn to maintain, but daily proposing new terms of agreement less advantageous. Notwithstanding these discouragements we used all possible means, by petitions in writing, and the good offices of the greatest princes in Christendom, to be reconciled to our king, having lastly maintained for a long time our deputies at the Congress of Cologne, hoping that the intercession of his imperial majesty and of the electors would procure an honorable and lasting peace, and some degree of liberty, particularly relating to religion (which chiefly concerns God and our own consciences), at last we found by experience that nothing would be obtained of the king by prayers and treaties, which latter he made use of to divide and weaken the provinces, that he might the easier execute his plan rigorously, by subduing them one by one, which afterwards plainly appeared by certain proclamations and proscriptions published by the king's orders, by virtue of which we and all officers of the United Provinces with all our friends are declared rebels and as such to have forfeited our lives and estates. Thus, by rendering us odious to all, he might interrupt our commerce, likewise reducing us to despair, offering a great sum to any that would assassinate the Prince of Orange.

So, having no hope of reconciliation, and finding no other remedy, we have, agreeable to the law of nature in our own defense, and for maintaining the rights, privileges, and liberties of our countrymen, wives, and children, and latest posterity from being enslaved by the Spaniards, been constrained to renounce allegiance to the King of Spain, and pursue such methods as appear to us most likely to secure our ancient liberties and privileges. Know all men by these presents that being reduced to the last extremity, as above mentioned, we have unanimously and deliberately declared, and do by these presents declare, that the King of Spain has forfeited, ipso jure, all hereditary right to the sovereignty of those countries, and are determined from henceforward not to acknowledge his sovereignty or jurisdiction, nor any act of his relating to the domains of the Low Countries, nor make use of his name as prince, nor suffer others to do it. In consequence whereof we also declare all officers, judges, lords, gentlemen, vassals, and all other the inhabitants of this country of what condition or quality soever, to be henceforth discharged from all oaths and obligations whatsoever made to the King of Spain as sovereign of those countries. And whereas, upon the motives already mentioned, the greater part of the United Provinces have, by common consent of their members, submitted to the government and sovereignty of the illustrious Prince and Duke of Anjou, upon certain conditions stipulated with his highness, and whereas the most serene Archduke Matthias has resigned the government of these countries with our approbation, we command and order all justiciaries, officers, and all whom it may concern, not to make use of the name, titles, great or privy seal of the King of Spain from henceforward; but in lieu of them, as long as his highness the Duke of Anjou is absent upon urgent affairs relating to the welfare of these countries, having so agreed with his highness or otherwise, they shall provisionally use the name and title of the President and Council of the Province.

And, until such a president and counselors shall be nominated, assembled, and act in that capacity, they shall act in our name, except that in Holland and Zealand where they shall use the name of the Prince of Orange, and of the states of the said provinces until the aforesaid council shall legally sit, and then shall conform to the directions of that council agreeable to the contract made with his highness. And, instead of the king's seal aforesaid, they shall make use of our great seal, center-seal, and signet, in affairs relating to the public, according as the said council shall from time to time be authorized. And in affairs concerning the administration of justice, and transactions peculiar to each province, the provincial council and other councils of that country shall use respectively the name, title, and seal of the said province, where the case is to be tried, and no other, on pain of having all letters, documents, and despatches annulled. And, for the better and effectual performance hereof, we have ordered and commanded, and do hereby order and command, that all the seals of the King of Spain which are in these United Provinces shall immediately, upon the publication of these presents, be delivered to the estate of each province respectively, or to such persons as by the said estates shall be authorized and appointed, upon peril of discretionary punishment.

Moreover, we order and command that from henceforth no money coined shall be stamped with the name, title, or arms of the King of Spain in any of these United Provinces, but that all new gold and silver pieces, with their halfs and quarters, shall only bear such impressions as the states shall direct. We order likewise and command the president and other lords of the privy council, and all other chancellors, presidents, accountants-general, and to others in all the chambers of accounts respectively in these said countries, and likewise to all other judges and officers, as we hold them discharged from henceforth of their oath made to the King of Spain, pursuant to the tenor of their commission, that they shall take a new oath to the states of that country on whose jurisdiction they depend, or to commissaries appointed by them, to be true to us against the King of Spain and all his adherents, according to the formula of words prepared by the states-general for that purpose. And we shall give to the said counselors, justiciaries, and officers employed in these provinces, who have contracted in our name with his highness the Duke of Anjou, an act to continue them in their respective offices, instead of new commissions, a clause annulling the former provisionally until the arrival of his highness. Moreover, to all such counselors, accomptants, justiciaries, and officers in these Provinces, who have not contracted with his highness, aforesaid, we shall grant new commissions under our hands and seals, unless any of the said officers are accused and convicted of having acted under their former commissions against the liberties and privileges of this country or of other the like maladministration.

We farther command of the president and members of the privy council, chancellor of the Duchy of Brabant, also the chancellor of the Duchy of Guelders, and county of Zutphen, to the president and members of the council of Holland, to the receivers of great officers of Beoostersheldt and Bewestersheldt in Zealand, to the president and council of Friese, and to the Escoulet of Mechelen, to the president and members of the council of Utrecht, and to all other justiciaries and officers whom it may concern, to the lieutenants all and every of them, to cause this our ordinance to be published and proclaimed throughout their respective jurisdictions, in the usual places appointed for that purpose, that none may plead ignorance. And to cause our said ordinance to be observed inviolably, punishing the offenders impartially and without delay; for so it is found expedient for the public good. And, for better maintaining all and every article hereof, we give to all and every one of you, by express command, full power and authority.

In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and seals,

dated in our assembly at the Hague, the six and twentieth day of July, 1581, indorsed by the orders of the states-general,

and signed J. De Asseliers.

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